Modernity: Definition and Features

What is modernity? What is its definition? What are its features? Again, from the Encyclopedia Britannica:

Modernisation is the transformation of society through the development of industry and technology, accompanied by far-reaching political and social changes.

A key feature of a modern society is its application of scientific knowledge to the production of goods and services, with an emphasis on maximising efficiency.

Modernisation affects all of society, including the economic, political and social systems. In the economic sphere, modernisation takes the form of industrialisation.

Secularisation is necessary for the rise and maintenance of any modern society.

An orientation towards knowledge, technology and economy is basic to modern civilisation.

The three drivers of modernity are:
1. Experimental science
2. Scientific technology
3. Production-oriented economy

The economy ceases to be oriented mainly towards consumption and comes to place its main emphasis on production as its goal. This involves a shift towards production for further production, that is, capital investment.

The process of modernisation is a kind of permanent revolution, without any final goal. One can distinguish various phases of modernity, with the contemporary scene even offering glimpses of a "post-modern" one.

The superiority or desirability of modernity remains an open question.

Modernity: Secularisation

A key feature of modernity is secularisation. From the Encyclopedia Britannica:

Secularisation consists of the following features:

1. Action by Choice
Prescribed actions are those in which an individual is expected to behave in a specific way. Actions by choice are those in which the individual selects his own course of action, and is obliged only to observe certain general rules in making his choice. In traditional societies, most actions are prescribed actions. In modern societies, most actions are actions by choice. Example: choosing one's profession or spouse.

2. Acceptance of Change
Pre-modern societies do not accept change in most of their institutions. In modern societies, change is expected or required. Pre-modern societies institutionalise tradition. Modern societies institutionalise change.

3. Differentiation of Institutions
Societies vary in the number and nature of the institutions devoted to carrying on essential functions such as the provision of goods and services, defence against military attack, education, religion, etc. Pre-modern civilisations show a considerable differentiation of institutions, but these involve only a tiny minority of the population, such as priests, warriors and traders. All institutions in the traditional society are dominated by the same values and norms.

In modern society, the differentiation of institutions and social division of labour proceed almost without limit. The institutions become more and more autonomous. All human activities are fragmented by increasing specialisation.

Increasing secularisation leads away from a single system of values toward pluralism in values. Such pluralism tends to erode the very foundation of an integrated social system: its common core of shared values and norms.

Swapan Dasgupta on Modernity (Vs Hindutva)

Swapan Dasgupta says the BJP must dump Hindutva and embrace modernity instead. He seems to be obsessed with modernity. Check out for yourself:

In short, the BJP must embrace modernity, be in a position to re-forge meaningful alliances and relegate identity politics to the backburner. (August 2009)

If India is changing and the RSS has already said that it is open to change, in that case the BJP has the duty to uphold modernity keeping in mind some of the basic fundamentals. (August 2009)

Former prime minister and BJP patriarch Atal Bihari Vajpayee represented modernity in a traditional idiom. (Ditto)

It reveals an unfortunate streak of adventurism that deflects attention from the more urgent business at hand: forging an enlightened nationalist agenda centred on security, growth, modernity and good governance. (June 2009)

Enlightened nationalism, good governance and modernity must become the party's (the BJP's) priorities. (June 2009)

Enlightened nationalism and modernity should become the two defining attributes of the BJP. (May 2009)

Yet, it is undeniable that the crucial swing votes which enabled the Congress to win more than 200 seats on its own came from two sections that are in the frontline of change and modernity: the middle classes and the youth. (May 2009)

The BJP leadership is seen as completely unresponsive to youth aspirations and modernity. (May 2009)

Narendra Modi became a passionate advocate of modernity and efficient governance. (April 2009)

The issue that is foremost in the mind of the RSS - which Bhagwat alluded to in his first public address after assuming charge - is the challenge of "modernity". (March 2009)

India has wholeheartedly embraced modern technology; it is wary of the cultural baggage that comes with modernity. (February 2009)

Tragically, this impatience with extremism has been misread by the Facebook brigade as thumbs-up for elevating the pub and pub-going women into symbols of Indian modernity. (Ditto)

It is a fitting rebuff to the mindset that deems Omar Abdullah's eloquent insensitivity in the Lok Sabha an iconic assertion of cosmopolitan modernity. (August 2008)

His (Narendra Modi's) opponents on the ground naturally include all those who are either disconcerted by or feel left out by this rush towards entrepreneurial modernity. (December 2007)

This disconcerting facet of modernity* appears to have escaped the Bharatiya Janata Party president, L K Advani. (June 2005)
*an electorate that lives for the present and dreams of the future

Today, the BJP is confronted with a stark choice: transforming defeat into defeatism or settling for ideological honesty and a touch of modernity. (August 2004)

Yes, 2004. Dr Dasgupta has been giving this advice for the last 5 years.

This Is A War...

From "The Matrix Reloaded" (2003):

Morpheus: This is a war, and we are soldiers. Death can come to us any time, any place. Now consider the alternative. What if I am right? What if the prophecy is true? What if tomorrow the war could be over? Isn't that worth fighting for? Isn't that worth dying for?

See my post on India's war.

Swami Vivekananda Quotes

Some quotes from my all-time favourite hero/icon/idol, Swami Vivekananda:

Strength

If you look, you will find that I have never quoted anything but the Upanishads. And of the Upanishads, it is only that one idea strength. The quintessence of the Vedas and Vedanta and all lies in that one word.

Wanted: Men

Men, men, these are wanted: everything else will be ready, but strong, vigorous, believing young men, sincere to the backbone, are wanted. A hundred such men and the world becomes revolutionised.

Fight!

Stand up and fight! Not one step back, that is the idea. Fight it out, whatever comes. Let the stars move from the spheres! Let the whole world stand against us! Death means only a change of garment. What of it? Thus fight! You gain nothing by becoming cowards. Taking a step backward, you do not avoid any misfortune! ... Arise! Awake! Stand up and fight!

Rise of Nations

And if we read the history of nations between the lines, we shall always find that the rise of a nation comes with an increase in the number of such men; and the fall begins when this pursuit after the Infinite, however vain the utilitarians may call it, has ceased. That is to say, the mainspring of every race lies in its spirituality, and the death of that race begins the day that spirituality wanes and materialism gains ground.

Sacrifice

Sacrifice in the past has been the Law, it will be, alas, for ages to come. The earth's bravest and best will have to sacrifice themselves for the good of many, for the welfare of all. Buddhas by the hundred are necessary with eternal love and pity.

Work and Love

There are many things to be done, but means are wanting in this country. We have brains, but no hands. We have the doctrine of Vedanta, but we have not the power to reduce it into practice. ... I too believe that India will awake again, if anyone could love with all his heart the people of the country – bereft of the grace of affluence, of blasted fortune, their discretion totally lost, downtrodden, ever-starved, quarrelsome, and envious. Then only will India awake, when hundreds of large-hearted men and women, giving up all desires of enjoying the luxuries of life, will long and exert themselves to their utmost for the well-being of the millions of their countrymen.

Feel, Feel, Feel

Feel, my children, feel; feel for the poor, the ignorant, the downtrodden; fell till the heart stops and brain reels and you think you will go mad; then pour the soul out at the feet of the Lord, and then will come power, help, and indomitable energy.

Have No Fear

Be not anxious. It is against the big tree that the great wind strikes. When there comes affliction in the heart, when the storm of sorrow blows all around, and it seems light will be seen no more, when hope and courage are almost gone, it is then, in the midst of this great spiritual tempest, that the light of Brahman within gleams. Brought up in the lap of luxury, lying on a bed of roses, and never shedding a tear, who has ever become great, who has ever unfolded the Brahman within?

Patriotic Song on India - 2

"Maate Poojaka Naanu Ennaya" is a patriotic song (in Kannada) on India that is popular in the RSS:

mAte poojaka nAnu ennaya SiravaniDuvenu aDiyali
ninna keertiyu jagadi mereyali ondE Aseyu manadali

eDaru toDarugaLella tuLiyuta munde nugguve bharadali
ninna nAma ninAdavAgali Sramipe nA prati kShaNadali
ninna gouravakeduru baruva balava murivenu chhaladali
jagada janani bhArata ida kELi naliyuve manadali

naguta naliyuva ninna vadanava nODi nalivudu ennede
ninna duHkhita vadana veekShise siDivudennaya hRudayavu
ninna mukhadali gelavu taralu neerugaiyuve raktava
enna kaNakaNa tEdu basiyuve poorNa jeevanaSaktiya

ninna tEjava jagavu nODali urive deepada teradali
enna Saktiya ghRutava satatavu ereyutiruvenu bharadali
mAtRumandira beLagutirali nAnE nandA deevige
batti teradee dEha uriyali sArthakate ee bALige

rudranAgi virOdhi viShavanu bharadi nAnada nunguve
jagava mechchisi adara hRudayava ninneDege nA seLeyuve
sRujipe jagadi ninna poojipa kOTi kOTi bhaktara
keerti Sikharadi mAte manDisu arpisuve nA sarvavA

My crude English translation:

Mother, I am your worshipper; I lay my head at your feet.
May your glory shine in this world; this is my only wish. (Refrain)

I will march ahead, trampling all hurdles and obstacles.
I will toil every moment so that your name rings out.
I will destroy any force that challenges your honour.
India is the mother of the world - I will hear this and rejoice.

Seeing your face smiling and happy gladdens my heart.
Seeing your face full of sorrow shatters my heart.
I will pour my blood like water to bring victory to your face.
I will grind every cell of my body and pour all my life's energy.

I will burn like a lamp so that the world sees your greatness.
I will keep pouring my strength like fuel forever.
May the Mother's temple shine brightly; I am the eternal lamp.
May this body burn like a wick; this life will be fulfilled.

I will become Shiva and drink the enemy's poison.
I will win the world's heart and draw it towards you.
I will create millions of devotees in the world who will worship you.
O Mother, be seated on the peak of glory; I offer my everything.

Patriotic Song on India - 1

"Parashivalaya Vara Himalaya" is a patriotic song (in Kannada) on India that is popular in the RSS:

paraSivAlaya vara himAlaya jvalisu oDalina jvAleya
hirime mahimeya O nagAdhipa dahisu nADina vairiya

sattu malaguta nettarittaru enitO sAsira yOdharu
tamma neladoLe hemme chhaladoLe mAtegarpitarAdaru
atta heNNina kaNNa neeride hetta oDaladu cheeride
surida nettara sEDinuttara neeDirennuta naraLide

veera dAhiranoDane bALida sindhu dESadoLaDagida
khaDga bandhuve seeLu dAsyava ELu mElake negeyuta
pRuthvirAjana samarasimhana kooDi mlEchchhara kaDiyuta
mereda lOhave dAha ninnadu taNiva kShaNavido bandide

kAlpi jhAnsiya maNNoLaDagida dAhadali bAyArida
raktasnAnada bayake teerada poorvajara parivArada
tAntya nAnA kuvarasimhara karadoLADida kuSalare
nooru varShada nidde indige sAku lOhada geLeyare

namma himanaga namma nela jala endu nuDivudE nAlige?
Sraddhe bhaktiya kAryakiLisuva balavihude kaikAlige?
nammadAgiha teerthakShEtrava tuLiyutiralari rakkasa
eddu nillali grAmagrAmada rAmalakShmaNa tApasa

mooru dikkina kaDala taDiyindODi banniri banniri
malagidukkina tukkanoresuta geluvu niSchitavenniri
yAva mAteya yAva maNNina makkaLembuda tOriri
balige hasidiha Sastra hiriyuta SatrusEneyaniriyiri

Here is my crude English translation:

O abode of Shiva, mighty Himalaya, set your body on fire!
O great Lord-of-the-mountains, destroy the enemies of our country! (Refrain)

How many thousand warriors fell dead, pouring their blood
In their land with proud resolve, offering themselves to the Mother.
See their women's tears; hear the screams of their mothers' wombs.
The spilt blood is suffering, and cries out for vengeance.

You lived with the brave Dahir, hidden in the land of Sindh.
O brother sword, smash this slavery; jump up and rise!
You chopped the Mlecchas with the lion in battle, Prithviraj.
O shining steel, the moment to quench your heat has arrived!

Buried in the sands of Kalpi and Jhansi, thirsting in the heat,
The desire for bloodbath not sated, of our forefathers' family.
O sharp ones who played in the hands of Tatya, Nana and Kunwar Singh,
O friends of steel, a hundred years of sleep ends today!

When will we say, "Our snow mountains, our land, our water"?
Do our limbs have the strength to turn faith and devotion into action?
Our holy places are being trampled by foes and demons.
Let the worshippers of Rama-Lakshmana rise in every village!

Come, come running from the shores of the three seas.
Wipe the rust off the sleeping iron; say that victory is assured.
Show which mother's and which soil's sons you are.
The weapon is hungry for sacrifice; slash the enemy hordes!

Heroism, the Contempt for Happiness

Kenneth Clark on heroism in "Civilisation" (1969):

Seen by itself, the David's body might be an unusually taut and vivid work of antiquity. It is only when we come to the head that we are aware of a spiritual force the ancient world never knew. I suppose that this quality, which I may call heroic, is not a part of most people's idea of civilisation. It involves a contempt for convenience and a sacrifice of all those pleasures that contribute to what we call civilised life. It is the enemy of happiness. And yet we recognise that to despise material obstacles, and even to defy the blind forces of fate, is man's supreme achievement. And since, in the end, civilisation depends on man extending his powers of mind and spirit to the utmost, we must reckon the emergence of Michelangelo as one of the great events in the history of Western man.

Hindu Conservatism: Dharma or Moral Order

From Russell Kirk's "Ten Conservative Principles":

First, the conservative believes that there exists an enduring moral order. That order is made for man, and man is made for it. Human nature is a constant, and moral truths are permanent.

This word 'order' signifies harmony. There are two aspects or types of order: the inner order of the soul, and the outer order of the commonwealth. 25 centuries ago Plato taught this doctrine. But even the educated nowadays find it difficult to understand. The problem of order has been a principal concern of conservatives ever since 'conservative' became a term of politics.

Our 20th century world has experienced the hideous consequences of the collapse of belief in a moral order. Like the atrocities and disasters of Greece in the 5th century BC, the ruin of great nations in our century shows us the pit into which societies fall that mistake clever self interest, or ingenious social controls, for pleasing alternatives to an old-fangled moral order.

It has been said by liberal intellectuals that the conservative believes all social questions, at heart, to be questions of private morality. Properly understood, this statement is quite true. A society in which men and women are governed by belief in an enduring moral order, by a strong sense of right and wrong, by personal convictions about justice and honour, will be a good society – whatever political machinery it may utilise. While a society in which men and women are morally adrift, ignorant of norms, and intent chiefly upon gratification of appetites, will be a bad society – no matter how many people vote and no matter how liberal its formal constitution may be.

This is one of the similarities between Hindu conservatism and Western conservatism. In Hindu thought, of course, we know this moral order as Dharma.

Indian (Hindu) Political Thought

Ranjit Hoskote had written an article in the 'Times of India' (29 July 1998) on ancient Indian (Hindu) political thought. Here is an abridged version:

The Marriage of Power and Wisdom

Even so long ago as the Vedic period, Indian thinkers were preoccupied with the question of making power answerable to wisdom rather than rejoicing in autocracy. This is the tradition of thought to which the savant Ananda Coomaraswamy drew attention in his little known but fascinating study, "Spiritual Authority and Temporal Power in the Indian Theory of Government" (1942).

In this work, Coomaraswamy drew on texts like the Vajasaneyi Samhita and the Satpatha Brahmana to arrive at an alternative understanding of kingship, its responsibilities and goals. To Coomaraswamy, the problem of governance was best defined in terms of the relationship between the principles of kshatra and brahma. In early Aryan polity, kshatra was the temporal power held by the king, while brahma was the spiritual authority symbolised by the priest.

Coomaraswamy invites us to consider the coronation ritual (found in the Aitareya Brahmana, 8.27) during which the priest consecrates the king with the words: "I am That, you are This; I am sky, you are earth; I am harmony, you are the words. Let us two unite our houses."

The metaphor of the ideal marriage between king and priest reflects the importance the Vedic thinkers attached to governance, as against mere government. In this model, kingship is not an excuse for indulging one's appetite for control, nor is it a mechanical procedure of administration. Kingship is, rather, a sacred mandate to hold power in trust and use it responsibly for the general good – a mandate the king receives from the priest.

Coomaraswamy illustrated this concept of regulated authority by appeal to the Vedic deity Maitravarunau: Mitra (the sun god) and Varuna (the sky god) conjoined in one presence. Maitravarunau incarnates the duality of perfect rule: the marriage of energy and restraint, power and wisdom, consciousness and life. In the Satpatha Brahmana (4.1.4) we read: "Mitra is the counsel, Varuna is the power; Mitra the priest, Varuna the king; Mitra the knower, Varuna the actor... Whatever deed Varuna did that was not quickened by Mitra was unsuccessful... Whatever deed that Varuna did, quickened by Mitra, came to fruition."

Maitravarunau is an instruction in what a distinguished commentator has called 'serene vitality' – a dynamic balance of opposites through which the human possibilities can flower. The life of action demands a stern will, alertness and moral flexibility. The life of contemplation calls for compassion, responsiveness and moral reflexivity. And yet, as Coomaraswamy reminds us, each principle finds its fulfillment only in the other.

The publication date of "Spiritual Authority and Temporal Power in the Indian Theory of Government" is fraught with significance. At the height of the freedom struggle, Coomaraswamy already had a premonition of things to come. He had seen the abuse of authority – resulting from the divorce between power and wisdom – at its worst in the British colonial regime. Fearing that this divorce would be replicated in independent India, he offered his book as a gift to the nation in the year Gandhi launched the Quit India movement. Five decades after India achieved independence, it is painfully clear that its author's worst fears have been realised.

Today we have neither kings nor priests. We have politicians who require no consecration, and intellectuals who lack the authority to bestow it. The complete division between the two principles has led to undisguised power lust on the one hand, and impotent rage on the other. This indulgence in the negative passions, among politicians and intellectuals, provides tragic evidence for Coomaraswamy's assertion that national liberation is without meaning unless we learn to govern the self.

The inner meaning of swaraj, swarajya, autonomy – call it what we will – is self governance, conceived of as a moral discipline that brings inward motives and outward actions into accord. Only by liberating ourselves from the desire to control do we become truly free. Self government without this practice of self governance, as Coomaraswamy saw all too clearly, would simply translate as the replacement of foreign structures of domination with indigenous ones.

"The only royal road to power is to become one's own master; the mastery of whatever else follows." wrote Coomaraswamy. This is the traditional secret of government that we appear to have forgotten.

The Time That Is Given To Us

From the "Lord of the Rings":

Frodo: I wish the ring had never come to me. I wish none of this had happened.

Gandalf: So do all who live to see such times, but that is not for them to decide. All we have to decide is what to do with the time that is given to us.

Elections 2009: Why Did BJP Lose?

Why did the BJP lose the 2009 elections? Some clues might be found in the following articles:

Swapan Dasgupta
They won all the battles, we had the best songs
Picking up the pieces
This verdict will force leaders to think nationally
Congress won conclusively

Shekhar Gupta
Hindu rate of BJP growth
Hands down

Sudheendra Kulkarni
Why stability won over change

(These are the few political commentators whose views I respect)

Society, Culture, Politics

The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society.

– Daniel Patrick Moynihan

Not All Those Who Wander Are Lost

From John Ronald Reuel Tolkien's "The Lord of the Rings":

All that is gold does not glitter,
Not all those who wander are lost;
The old that is strong does not wither,
Deep roots are not reached by the frost.

From the ashes a fire shall be woken,
A light from the shadows shall spring;
Renewed shall be blade that was broken,
The crownless again shall be king.

Bhagavad Gita: Favourite Shlokas

My favourite shlokas from the Bhagavad Gita:

2-38

sukha duhkhe same kRutvA lAbhAlAbhou jayAjayou
tato yuddhAya yujyasva naivam pApam avApsyasi

Making (yourself) the same in happiness and sorrow, gain and loss, victory and defeat,
then engage in battle. Thus you will not incur sin.

2-48

yogasthah kuru karmANi sangam tyaktvA dhananjaya
siddhyasiddhyoh samo bhootvA samatvam yoga uchyate

Being in Yoga, perform actions giving up attachment, Dhananjaya,
being the same in success and failure. Sameness is called Yoga.

2-50

buddhiyukto jahAteeha ubhe sukRute duShkRute
tasmAd yogAya yujyasva yogah karmasu kouSalam

The intelligent man gives up both good deeds and bad deeds here,
therefore engage in Yoga. Yoga is skill in work.

Vajpayee, the Right-Wing Leader

In the last three posts I dissected a couple of articles by Atal Behari Vajpayee to get to know his exact views on politics and governance. Now I am struck by the mismatch between the media's portrayal of the man and the real Vajpayee.

The media portrayed Vajpayee mainly as a smiling, amiable man whose only skill was his ability to get along with everybody. But the real Vajpayee, as we have seen, is a different – and much more impressive – person. He comes across as an intelligent and well-read man, who was knowledgeable about the world we live in today, and who had a bold new vision for the country – that was both nationalist and pragmatic. His biggest achievement was to help India break away from the failed ideas of the past – not just in politics, but also in governance and the economy.

The Congress may have fathered India's economic reforms, and the Third Front may have continued them. But they did it reluctantly, more out of necessity than out of conviction. They are left-of-centre or leftist parties, that still haven't gotten over their socialist hangover. The BJP, on the other hand, is a genuine right-wing party that is ideologically commitment to reforms.

Thus it was the BJP that took the reforms to a new level and ensured they are here to stay. And the man most responsible for this is Atal Behari Vajpayee. This contribution of his has been misunderstood, and its magnitude underestimated, both by his critics and his admirers. Vajpayee was a right-wing leader not just because he was a Hindu nationalist, but also because he championed reforms and freedom. Thus he was a true right-wing leader, in the complete sense of the term.

Reforms, Freedom, Globalisation

In the previous post we saw Vajpayee's right-wing agenda for governance. Though the agenda is quite detailed, full of plans and prescriptions, it is not just an arbitrary collection of proposals. There is a certain coherence, consistency and integrity in it. The agenda is based on a broader vision. If we look closely, this vision consists of some key ideas. These key ideas/concepts are:

1. Reforms
2. Freedom
3. Responsibility
4. Participation
5. Globalisation

To put it in the form of an equation,
Reforms and Freedom (from the government)
+
Responsibility and Participation (from the people)
=
Success in the era of Globalisation

Contrast this with Nehru's socialism, where:
Licence-permit-quota raj (from the government) + Mai-baap sarkar mentality (from the people) = Failure.

An interesting parallel: Yuval Levin had proposed a reform manifesto for John McCain in the 2008 US presidential elections.

A Right-Wing Agenda for Governance

The previous post outlined a right-wing political ideology, in Atal Behari Vajpayee's words. To complete the picture we need a right-wing agenda for governance. Once again Vajpayee shows us the way. Here he is, in his "Musings from Kumarakom" in 2001:

Our first task is to strengthen the awareness that we are one people – sisters and brothers who are children of the great Mother India. Some of our citizens focus too much on one or the other aspect of our diversity, ignoring the common national bonds that unite us.

All citizens and communities have an equal duty to strengthen our national unity and integrity, and to contribute to the nation's progress. In recent times, there has been a tendency to focus more on one's rights, and less on one's duties. This must change.

The time has come to introduce radical developmental reforms, which should encompass, besides economic reforms, administrative and judicial reforms. The most important component of these reforms is to fix transparent accountability at all levels and increase people's involvement in monitoring the functioning of all agencies that impact on development.

This places a far bigger responsibility on our citizens than has been realised by them so far. The habit of looking to the Government for a solution to every problem must give way to a new democratic attitude of fully participating in the Government's efforts and of maximising the scope of non-governmental efforts. This calls for a better work culture, a superior civic culture, strong discipline and a radical shift in the attitude of the citizenry from rights to duties.

Recalling how India became a colony of a foreign trading company in the past, they prophesy that India will again be "sold out" to foreigners if economic reforms are allowed to be continued. This is a ludicrous prophesy. India is an incomparably stronger nation today than when the British colonised us.

The true purpose of economic reforms is to further strengthen our economy, while removing its self-evident weaknesses, so that poverty and unemployment can be removed at a faster pace. We need to broaden and further accelerate the economic reforms, so that our economy becomes sufficiently productive to meet the growing demands of our growing population.

We are living in a world of globalisation, created by the information and communication revolution, global trade and greater inter-dependence among nations. Neither Indian industry nor agriculture can ignore the new competitive global environment in which they are called upon to operate. Our agriculture should be freed from many infrastructural, investment and other constraints that have prevented it from growing to its full potential.

We need to reduce the size of the Government, so that more resources can be channelled for people's welfare and development. We must also reform our labour laws and make them more conducive to faster economic growth and greater employment generation. Some of these are difficult measures, but we cannot shirk away from any of these imperatives.

It is our collective responsibility to devise a national strategy that effectively counters the challenges and seizes the opportunities of globalisation.

Guided by the light of the eternal and universal values of our civilisation, inspired by a modernising vision of national development, and powered by the youthful energy of one billion children of Bharat Mata, we can certainly make the 21st century India's century.

The BJP's History and Right-Wing Ideology

On the 50th anniversary of India's independence, Atal Behari Vajpayee wrote an essay in "Frontline". In his inimitable way, Vajpayee traces the history of the BJP and in the process, also outlines a genuine right-wing ideology:

India might have had to sacrifice territory at the altar of the Muslim League's communal politics, but like Sardar Patel, many of us were convinced that we would be able to mould what remained of this ancient, timeless land into a modern nation-state, firmly anchored in the republican values of democracy, equality and fraternity.

Soon after, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh was formed, largely with the purpose of floating a nationalist political party that would offer an alternative platform different from that of the Congress.

Meanwhile, the party grew, with more and more people joining it. We began carrying our nationalist message of "One country, one people, one culture" to the farthest corners of India.

The Chinese aggression came as a rude shock to the people and for the first time the Congress began to lose its nationalist appeal. Instead, more and more people turned towards the Bharatiya Jan Sangh's nationalist agenda.

Indira Gandhi's Emergency in 1975 brought the wheels of democracy to a grinding halt. Suddenly, our polity was endangered as never before and dictatorship appeared to be a very real possibility. Since ours was by then a large organisation, our party cadre jumped into the battle against autocracy.

Prior to the merger and the formation of the Janata Party, we had made the relationship between the RSS and some of us very clear to the other leaders. They had emphatically stated that they had no objection to this as the RSS, and here I quote them, "is a cultural organisation devoted to good work". The same RSS, however, was unacceptable to these same people who raised the "dual membership" issue – they went back on their word.

The BJS was reborn as the Bharatiya Janata Party on Good Friday in April 1980.

While the Congress tried to abuse its brute majority in Parliament to impose itself in a most arrogant manner, we regrouped our forces and drew sustenance from our uncompromising commitment to ideology, morality and ethics. Our hard work, relentless campaign against Congress corruption and dedication to the nation paid dividends in the next general election.

Our uncompromising nationalism, our commitment to probity in public life, our war against politics of opportunism, our opposition to pandering to casteism and minorityism gave us the strength to prove these Cassandras wrong.

The Ayodhya movement has no doubt contributed to this success. We joined the movement because Sri Ram epitomises the cultural heritage of all Indians, he symbolises our cultural nationalism. Through this movement, we were able to unleash the suppressed aspirations of millions of Indians and canalise their nationalist fervour towards nation-building.

What has also contributed to our success is our slogan "Justice for all, appeasement of none". The BJP believes in creating a society through able governance where every individual, irrespective of caste, religion or sex, will have a place under the sun; where optimism, opportunity and oneness will provide the impetus for the creation of a strong and prosperous nation.

The spirit of nationalism that spurred our freedom fighters to sacrifice everything for their motherland was sought to be suppressed by the Nehruvian consensus in the decades immediately after Independence. But nationalism cannot be killed by transplanted ideologies or pseudo-ideologies.

I am confident that India will enter the next millennium with its head held high, a strong and prosperous nation, proud of its past and confident of its future as a leading member of the comity of nations. The mantra that will see us yet achieve this goal is the same mantra that ended foreign rule – uncompromising nationalism, nationalism that verges on devotionalism as epitomised by Vande Mataram, nationalism that puts the nation above everything else.

The Hindutva Debate (contd)

In this month's poll, 9 readers/visitors have selected the option "I am first an Indian, then a Hindu".

Here is a question for these 9 people: What is there in you that is "Indian", but not Hindu?

You can comment on this post, or you can send your answer to me by e-mail.

Btw, nobody responded the last time I called for a debate on Hindutva.